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According to Allport, crowd behaviour is subject to the accumulation of persons with similar traits and therefore crowd disorder would result from a coming together of people with similar traits or criminal, violent or anti-social personalities.

This 'individualistic' account can also be found in contemporary approaches to crowd behaviour. Some researchers, for instance, attribute collective disorder to the convergence of individuals with certain personality traits or dispositions, e.

The theory borrows from Le Bon in that a negative impact of crowds is assumed that diminishes individual traits.

However, there is only little or inconsistent evidence for the validity of the theory. In a meta-analysis of 60 tests of deindividuation theory, Postmes and Spears found no sufficient support for this concept.

It suggests that in a group or crowd social identity becomes salient which also implies the salience of norms that relate to this identity. Deindividuation in this respect means the replacement of individual identity by social identity so that people do not behave according to their personal identity but with regard to the norms of the respective social identity.

Crowd behaviour is seen as governed by collective norms which emerge during the crowd situation. Within this uncertainty and ambivalence people search for meaning and cues in order to define or create a new normative structure.

Persons that are more distinct in their behaviour may then provide a model for new collective norms that emerge within that situation.

However, despite its criticisms, the theory has provided a major step away from the irrationalist view of crowds and initiated further research activities on normative and interactional processes of and within crowds.

With its emphasis on group norms as guides for action in a crowd situation the model can also be regarded as a forerunner of the social identity approach to crowd behaviour.

The first step towards escalation is a refusal of communication and a mutual confrontational attitude.

Uniform appearance and open display of force e. Incomprehension or a lack of understanding constitutes the second step. This may be based on contradictory ideological beliefs and attitudes that may differ in such a way that confrontation is inherent in the situation as such.

Disturbed communication further results in biased perception and a lack of differentiation. The use of protective equipment by the police can be seen as a provocation, while it was just meant to be protection.

In such a phase it is more and more difficult for the police to make a realistic judgement on transgressions e. The third stage of escalation comprises symbolic and factual actions and tactics of provocation.

Once conflict escalates, the perception tightens. The other group becomes the opponent and the parties develop tactics in order to win the confrontation.

However, the police are legally restricted, as opposed to creative, legally ambiguous ways that can be used by the protesters. Feelings of moral justification and collective power on the one side but of unfair treatment on the other lets the group develop into a cohesive unit in which conformity of group and opinion builds up and solidarity between the participants heightens.

Emotional contagion may take place as a result of attribution of physical reactions, which facilitates a new appraisal of the situation and the development of new norms regarding the attitude towards violence.

The police may react by enhancing the use of force. Protesters refrain from addressing their actual objectives and turn to confront the police.

There is a normative pressure to use violence. Scenarios like this burden further encounters between protesters and police with a mortgage.

Also barricades, confronting deployment and the spatial closeness to the opponent of the demonstration have a 12 catalysing effect on the escalation of the event.

The power relations between the groups, such as the relation between the amount of officers deployed and the number of demonstrators can influence the course of the event.

Media play an important and an active role in the course of an event. While the mere presence of a camera has an impact on the actual behaviour on the ground, media coverage that highlights certain aspects can have an impact on further events.

Differentiation is the first step toward de-escalation. Consequently, policing should be carried out differentiated and consistent and therefore be reliable and comprehensible for the other party.

A further step is to establish contact and to engage in negotiations with the other party. These actions can lead to a redefinition of interactive norms; in case of consisting tensions and conflict, normative pressure toward co-operation may be mediated by a third party, such as scientists, politicians or media with the aim to establish deals and agreements.

The creation of contact subsequently facilitates a further process of communication between the parties in which also rituals of behaviour may develop.

Idealistically, actions are discussed prior to the event, regular meetings between the parties take place and arrangements are made.

However, communication also concerns internal and external PR work in order to inform colleagues and participants as well as the public. If a stage of co-operation is reached, the relations between the parties are characterised by continuing contact, agreements and joint actions.

The analysis of a public order event comprises seven different levels c. Compatible prescriptions of actions are suggested to reinforce potential confrontation.

The contextual level refers to active communication processes between protesters and the police that may impinge on tension, resentment and mistrust between these groups, for example rumours, warnings or threats.

The interactional level eventually deals with the direct relations between the groups. The model has been applied to the analysis of different public order events in Europe, Australia, North and South America and Asia e.

Baker, ; Lo Shiu-hing, ; cited in Waddington, However, the approach has been subjected to substantial criticisms. David Waddington has acknowledged the validity of certain objections but he sees the need in the model to allow for variations in the nature of incidents or events and for delays between the trigger and the start of the conflict.

Furthermore he suggests that there may be several flashpoints, which may ignite in different intensities Waddington, Adang systematically observed more than public order events in the Netherlands between May and September , of which 60 football matches and 77 protests were put to further analysis.

In both contexts similar patterns emerged: The actual violent acts were only committed by a very small proportion of the persons present even when the situation was 2 The methodological approach is described in more detail in the chapter on crowd research.

The observed violence rather concerned the throwing of missiles and aggressive acts against objects than direct physical confrontation of persons that could fight back.

The targets of violent acts did not seem to be random but associated with the specific aspects of the event. Furthermore the study revealed that in approximately half of the violent incidents a direct trigger for the start of violence was not obvious.

Concluding from these results, Adang suggests two types for the initiation of violence: On the one hand there is violence that can be ascribed to a clearly identifiable cause, such as frictions between people, for example when a person spills his beer or there are crushes at the entrance.

On the other hand Adang identified a form of spontaneous violence that was mostly committed by young males and is directed at rival groups, such as other young males or the police.

The further escalation of violence is connected with two aspects: Firstly with cognitive bounded rationality processes of decision making and cost-benefit analyses.

The observational data revealed that individuals seemed to avoid unnecessary risks or tried to reduce risk.

They rather operated in groups or fled from situations they seemed unable to win. On the other hand, violence was observed more often when people disguised themselves so that they would not be accountable for their actions.

Police measures can have an effect on this; in particular collective interventions can lead to more explicit ingroup-versus-outgroup behaviour and to more individuals behaving violently.

In this respect Adang relates to changes of social identity that may occur as a result of intergroup interaction, as it is proposed by the ESIM.

Social identity is the central concept of the model and it is seen as the key to understanding crowd behaviour. Social identities are multiple.

Or, as Tajfel ; p. Selfcategorisation refers to the process in which we define ourselves in terms of such category membership if we understand ourselves as a football fan or a mother taking over norms and have a certain understanding of what is appropriate as a member of that category.

In contrast to a general suggestibility of crowd participants Le Bon, , the ESIM suggests that only those can be influential that comply with the category norms and who are most similar to the category prototype.

Or, who differentiate most from the out-group. Different field studies provided support for this approach. His findings revealed that there were patterns and clear limits to crowd action: Attacks were geographically limited and only directed at police or financial institutions.

Crowd participants described themselves and others in terms of ingroup and outgroup membership and there was a match between crowd action destroying symbols of luxury and the self-definition of the crowd members belonging to an oppressed and exploited group.

These findings suggest that crowd actions - although they may be destructive - are rather meaningful reflections of social identities than irrational or uncontrolled behaviour.

However, the studies also revealed that crowd events can lead to a change of identity, in the sense that the engagement in crowd action led to new confidence in resisting outgroup action.

These results point to the question if, as the findings suggest, crowd action is determined by social identity, how can crowd action then instigate social change i.

This makes it possible that while collective action and crowd behaviour is driven by social identity, this identity can fundamentally change by the way in which the intergroup relationships are affected.

Demonstrators that saw themselves as legitimate non-violent protesters engaged in a sit down protest because they were hindered by the police to follow a specific demonstration route.

The police though understood this behaviour as posing a threat to public order and intervened against the group using indiscriminate coercive force.

In the course of this incident the demonstrators redefined the attitudes that they held of the police so that conflict and resistance was now understood as legitimate behaviour.

This resistance again confirmed the view of the police that the crowd was uniformly hostile and led to an escalation of violence on both sides.

Recently, Neville and Reicher presented a study on the relationships between connectedness, emotional intensity, and future participation in different social contexts.

Their findings revealed significant correlations between connectedness in a sense that others are a source of support and warmth and emotional intensity and suggest that emotional intensity may have a mediating role between the strength of social identity and the likelihood of future participation.

Crowd research and public order policing From the ESIM emerge implications for public order policing. If crowd events are intergroup encounters and one of the participants is the police, and if the groups influence each other, then the police have a major role within this scenario and the way in which the police act must have a huge impact on the behaviour of the crowd.

Scholars of public order policing similarly supported the view that crowd behaviour is seen to result from ongoing interaction processes between the participating groups e.

This approach brought about increased research interest on the role of the police and more specifically on the impact of police strategies and tactics on crowd behaviour.

Such changes in public order policing seem to reflect the increased consideration of an effect of policing and the interactive nature and mutual impact of groups within the police forces.

McPhail, Schweingruber and McCarthy for example, differentiate trends of public order policing that have developed over time.

This approach is described in more detail in the subsequent chapter. With an emphasis on cooperation, the policing incorporated negotiations between police and group leaders about the boundaries of acceptable protest.

This trend however is also seen as related with an increasing use of paramilitary policing tactics in order to maintain public order c. Considerations about the role and impact of different tactics stirred up a long running debate about the pro and cons of paramilitary tactics between Jefferson and Waddington in the UK Waddington, , , ; Jefferson, , , and have instigated comprehensive research activities on protest policing for example on the adaptation of different styles in Denmark and Sweden c.

Questions on the effects of different policing strategies on crowd behaviour have further been endorsed by research on the policing of football crowds.

Adang and Cuvelier presented a systematic analysis of the impact of different policing strategies on the behaviour of football crowds at one tournament.

During the Euro two different policing styles had been applied. It suggests the open deployment of small surveillance units in regular uniforms, easily approachable and actively contacting fans.

In doing so, the officers should also set behavioural limits and intervene if these limits were exceeded.

If necessary there would be support from decentralised intervention units which were kept away from the street scene for as long as possible.

They were deployed in larger groups, talked a lot with each other and did not actively approach fans. Also more riot police and vehicles where openly present.

The findings suggest a connection between 19 incidents, risk and the style of policing. While it may be suggested that a high police profile would best prevent violent incident, it turned out that most incidents were incurred at games that had been assessed as posing low risk but that were policed with a high-profile strategy.

In other words, where there was an imbalance between the risk and the policing strategy. This goes along with the assumption of the ESIM that an asymmetry of group relations bears the conditions for conflict.

However, this also suggests that symmetric or legitimate group relations would prevent such a change. Bearing upon this, Stott and Adang examined crowd interaction involving English football supporters at 35 away matches with an international dimension.

With regard to police practice, the understanding of risk as a dynamic element played a crucial role for the relationship of the groups.

This implied the need for dynamic risk assessment during a crowd event, which then allows for targeted and timely interventions.

Their research suggests that legitimate relations facilitated English fans with peaceful intentions and led to selfpolicing, avoidance of conflict and the marginalisation of those who acted against the group norms.

Researching crowd events While, as indicated before, major changes in the world are often associated with crowd action, crowd research plays a more subordinate role in social psychology.

Scientific contributions on collective behaviour are rather found within criminological or sociological frameworks. Reasons for this are rooted in the object of investigation itself.

Bar-Tal criticised that the emphasis on experimentation results in an artificiality of studied social phenomena, as 20 a manipulated context does not reflect the complex situation of reality that may influence human behaviour and narrows down the range of investigated issues.

Often, more attention would be paid on the operationalisation of variables than on the research problems studied.

Bar-Tal yet proclaims the necessity of observing real-life situations in order to understand the behaviour of individuals and collectives. While, as we saw in the previous chapter, crowd theories go back to the 19th century and a lot has been written and published about crowds, his declaration is not unreasonable as it took until the ies for scholars to step out of the ivory tower and actually study the object of research.

The kinds of methods used in crowd research will be subject of the following section. Questionnaires and interviews Post hoc data collection, such as questionnaires or interviews with participants and witnesses may be carried out in order to understand and reconstruct what happened during an event and to be used as a means for data triangulation.

In particular for the study of crowd violence post hoc data collection may be useful as the development of disorder in a natural setting is difficult to predict Vider, The vivid sometimes conflictual course of a crowd event makes it difficult to gather appropriate data and may even put the researcher in danger.

On the other hand it can be possible that participants are engaged in the happenings so that comprehensive interviews are difficult.

Such interviews or questionnaires can be designed using usual social scientific methods. In recent years there is also an increasing use of internet surveys.

Newspaper data analysis A great deal of crowd research relies on the analysis of media, such as newspaper and electronic reports.

The disadvantages of this method refer to the fact that it may contain lopsided views and descriptions. Their findings show that only 10 percent of the registered events were actually reported and most of the demonstrations have a participation of less than 25 persons, while the likelihood of media coverage was connected with the size of the event.

Conversely, Retzlaff provides an analysis of a overwhelmingly positive media coverage during the World Cup in Germany with regard to the construction of concept of collective German patriotism.

The issue of media influence is also discussed in the empirical papers Paper 2, 3, 4 of this thesis. Seidler, Meyer and Gillivray developed a set of techniques for data gathering among stationary crowds.

Drury and Stott advocate the use of direct, on-the-spot observational strategies for the research of crowd events.

They argue that crowd events are characteristically intergroup encounters, in which there is a mutual influence of the participating parties.

Therefore, in order to understand crowd psychology i. In practical terms, Drury and Stott suggest that the researcher joins with one group, basically becoming an ingroup member and 22 thereby opposing the outgroup.

Advantages are seen in three aspects: Firstly, ingroup members will far more likely be open for interviews and talk about their views and perceptions of a specific situation and their relations to outgroup members and they are more willing to share internal documents and knowledge.

However, taking sides may also mean constrained if not impossible access to the outgroup. Secondly, the quality of data is improved.

The final point concerns the data analysis and the question if it is possible to maintain a distance to accounts of in-group participants within a framework of partisan research.

Structured observations Although crowd research activities are to a great deal based on ethnography, some methods have been developed for systematically observing and recording collective action, that transfer the happenings during a crowd event into quantifiable data and thus allow for a statistical comparison of different events.

Schweingruber and McPhail aimed to design a method that records the extent and variation of crowd behaviour, is flexible enough to be used for different types of gatherings and research questions, and is easy to use so that observers can easily be instructed.

The development of the method went along with a conceptual understanding of crowds. The actual data recording is carried out by multiple observers, most of which are undergraduate students that are distributed among the crowd.

Prior to the actual event the observers are given written documentation and a training session that includes information on the specific event and the procedures involved in this method.

During the event the observers fill in a code sheet, recording what is being done collective action can be allocated to 40 different forms and by whom.

As violence involves at least an actor and a target, Adang argues that violent behaviour cannot be understood without considering the interaction between these two parties.

This focus on interaction can be seen as the main difference of this approach to that of Schweingruber and McPhail Variables were drawn from preliminary analyses of a number of real-life situations and video material as well as a literature review on crowd events.

They further had to be easily observable so that they could also be determined by the participants themselves and they had to bear an impact on the situation, for example: the number of people involved, the distance between those involved or the relationship between behaviour and directly preceding events.

Similar to the procedure of Schweingruber and McPhail, the observers receive a comprehensive training, including lectures on the theoretical background, the observation protocol, observation techniques and observation exercises.

The observations at football games cover the time in which most of the fans were present at the venue and in the city centre, generally starting several hours before kick-off and were finished some hours after the game.

The observers were instructed to choose areas where large groups of fans gather, for example at the central station, at squares in the city centre and around the stadia.

Every fifteen minutes a sample is taken on the number and kind of persons e. Police intervention is defined as dispersal, stopping or arrests and it is noted if police had made use of force.

Observers also take notes on their impressions and observations that they made in-between sample time. The systematic observations allow to relate different variables to the number of incidents and to compare results of different events.

Alternative developments of crowd research Impacts of technical development on crowd observations New technological developments and the increased use of internet facilities provide a wide range of data collection around crowd events aside of any planned scientific research design.

Levine ; Economist, took advantage of the multiple display of the CCTV camera surveillance system in Britain to explore the factors that make the presence of bystanders successful or unsuccessful.

The group had gained permission to use the video footage of incidents at public spaces in the night-time-economy that had been recorded within 25 one year between January and February in British towns and cities.

In doing so they were able to study group behaviour in a natural setting that could previously not be tested for either practical or ethical reasons.

The videos had no sound and the persons could not be recognised. Incidents were chosen with regard to certain criteria, such as length of the incident and group size.

A coding scheme was developed that covered the themes of status e. The results suggest that groups spontaneously try to regulate the behaviour of ingroup members and that the prevention of violence increases with group size.

It is argued that such reports would distort and misinterpret the actual happenings and serve as a base for restrictions of liberal human rights and justifications thereof.

In Germany such observations are carried out since the protests against the nuclear plant in Brokdorf Steven, Similar processes can be observed in the context of football: As a reaction to what they felt as illegitimate police conduct some groups of football fans have undertaken own measures for evaluating an event.

The observation activities are not announced and will only be published successive to the respective game. The groups are using field observational methods carried out contemporaneously.

Observations focus on the behaviour of mainly police forces but also on other security staff with football fans.

The observation groups are requested to focus on questions such as: Has the policing been reasonable and proportional in all aspects?

Was the behaviour respectful, did the officers introduce themselves, were fans informally addressed on a first name basis.

Did officers act socially sensibly with regard to youngsters? Were there any unreasonable harassments observable? The reports are published on the internet.

Peer review teams An alternative form of evaluating crowd events has lately gained increased interest.

The basic idea of this approach is to bring together public order scientists and police practitioners in the observation of an event.

From to a pilot study involving 13 evaluations was carried out on request of the EU Police Cooperation Working Party.

The peer reviews are now part of EU training program for police commanders. When a peer review is requested, the hosting force is asked to name of number of evaluation points.

It is these points that the subsequent evaluation plan is then designed around. A team of about 5 police commanders is composed and is accompanied by academic staff.

A peer review takes three days. On Day 1 the team arrives at the site, familiarises with the infrastructure, makes first contacts with the police forces and other parties that are relevant with regard to the respective event e.

On the basis of the evaluation points the team then agrees on an evaluation plan. On Day 2, the day of the event the team conducts interviews and carries out contemporaneous observations prior, during and after the event.

Day 3 is used for writing up the first draft of the evaluation report, when team members discuss their observations in relation to the respective evaluation points.

The report will be worked out by the academic member of the team and send to the members for a final check up before it is delivered to the requesting force.

The value of this method has different aspects. An important factor lies in the confidentiality of the evaluation and the final report will be the ownership of the requesting force.

The reviewers themselves gained concrete new ideas from their observations and during the discussions with their colleagues.

They also valued the fact that they were able to look at a police operation from the outside. The cooperation of practitioners and scientists helps to break up barriers and to gain more understanding.

Up to date theses evaluations have been carried out mainly in the context of football. Some forces have begun to introduce national peer reviews, some are planning to use peer reviews for the evaluation of 27 the policing of demonstrations.

Along with other models the ESIM draws on interaction, more specifically it suggest that in order to understand the dynamics of a crowd event it is necessary to consider the relations and ongoing interactions between those groups that are present at a specific event.

The ESIM has been developed from - and was validated by a substantial number of studies of crowd events in violent and non-violent situations.

Summarising its basic assumptions the ESIM explains both the escalation and the avoidance of collective conflict as a result of ongoing social relations.

Secondly, the ESIM explains the establishment and maintenance of non-violent norms as a result of legitimate group relations between crowd members and the police, avoiding an identity shift towards conflict.

It is proposed that legitimate group relations are connected with selfpolicing, marginalisation of violent crowd participants, and lack of support for attempts of provocation.

This approach has meanwhile been integrated in practical policing and into guidelines for the policing of football matches with an international dimension within the EU.

Despite this obvious practical relevance, the scientific analyses on crowd dynamics based on the ESIM have only focused on British in particular, English and Scottish crowds so that there were only few theoretical and empirical analyses of how such dynamics apply to crowds from other cultural backgrounds.

Methodical and methodological considerations The methods and analytical strategies of this thesis are determined by the assumptions of the model, so that the respective parties involved and their mutual interaction had to be 29 considered; these are described in more detail in the respective papers.

Furthermore, the research activities were sought to be carried out contemporaneously because the direct observation of - and the participation in a crowd event allows to focus on aspects that are relevant with regard to the theoretical model and it provides for the flexibility that is necessary within such a dynamic framework.

This approach further makes it possible to collect data on reactions and comments of persons that are immediately involved in or subjected by the event; in doing so it is possible to document how perceptions and behaviour relate to a possibly changing context.

Like Bar-Tal has pointed at the difficulties that are imminent in doing research around real life events, similar methodological issues concern this thesis.

The aim of this thesis is therefore not to provide a test of hypotheses. It rather seeks to provide an explorative study and it aims to contribute to the body of research that has up to now been carried out around the ESIM.

While, in a rigorous positivistic sense, this does not serve as a method of gaining new scientific insight, this research seeks to present additional material in order enhance plausibility of this model.

The results can further serve as a hypothesis generating procedure and a base for further research which may be broken down into testable studies.

This main research question was broken into different sub-questions, each of which is presented within an individual research paper.

Paper 1 presents an incident involving German fans during the European Championships While Stott and colleagues , had provided analyses involving England fans this paper seeks to answer the question: Were the processes that the ESIM proposes are responsible for the absence of widespread disorder among England fans also evident among German fans attending the same tournament?

Studies including Paper 1 which explain the shift away from violence mainly refer to the policing that was carried out around the Euro It may be argued, however, that the success of Euro was singular, merely applying to that one event or the specific groups that were present in Portugal during the tournament.

Research was therefore carried out at Germany , focussing on the following questions: Do the relations and the effects that the ESIM suggests also apply in different contexts that may be formed by national or cultural features or by the understandings and philosophies of the police forces?

How do police tactics and deployments relate to the relations between different fan groups and between fans and the police?

Paper 3 presents a case study involving Polish and German fans at the same day. Specifically, the study examines the relation between the policing strategy and tactics and the behaviour and perception of Poland and Germany fans in contexts of risk and non-risk.

As prior to the tournament a substantial number of papers and other media had described Poland fans in a rather negative way, the paper further sought to answer the question: Was the negative image that was portrayed of the Poland fans before the tournament justified and did this have an impact on the relations between the fan groups and the fans and the police?

Paper 4 explores German fan identity at three different tournaments: at the Euro , the WC and the Euro In contrast to previous ESIM research, which describes social change as a result of conflictual group relations, this study examined social change within a peaceful context.

It examines the effects and dynamics of symmetric group relations and in doing so to provide an explanation of why German fans in and subsequently in were empowered to live out their national identity and positive emotions but not so in ?

The actual research activities are presented as single paper publications in scientific journals. The papers are integrated in the following section.

Each paper is preceded by a foreword of the author. It reports on personal impressions and experiences that occurred during the research process and it highlights aspects of the research that seem relevant to this thesis but are not or only briefly mentioned in the actual research paper.

Funding by the ESRC had enabled a comprehensive research design using a variety of methods; most of which were carried out contemporaneously and data triangulation would then provide a rather comprehensive picture of the goings on.

Much of the data that came out of this program has meanwhile been published elsewhere; however, the focus group is English see Reicher et al.

In line with the other research activities the data collection should be carried out contemporaneously; using an ethnographic approach was seen as the most flexible and fruitful way to provide for a broad body of data.

This could then be triangulated with the data that was collected by other observers of the research team. The idea was for me to be with the fans to listen, speak and observe.

As it is the case with ethnographic research, access to and a kind of acceptance by the group being studied is vital.

I believe that more than 25 years of being a football fan myself, has provided the necessary authenticity to get this access on the field, in this case in the fan zones, cafes, stadium, camping sites.

Personal contacts with the German fan project also helped to get access to some more internal information for example when some were arrested.

However, being interested in crowd-police interaction the research also concerned the role, perception and behaviour of the police.

A delegation of German police spotters was present in Portugal, liaising with Portuguese colleagues with a focus on the German risk supporters.

Again, it was personal contacts that were made with the German home office and the German national football information point that facilitated 32 access to these bodies during the tournament.

Like with the fan group, acceptance and trust are vital to get access. So it was for example possible for me to make informal conversations around the gatherings of fans and to conduct semi-structured interviews with members of the German police delegation.

Vider , p. After all, we cannot usually predict when a riot will occur. And this was in fact the place where the incident happened that this paper reports on.

The incident indeed occurred around the most high risk game of the tournament Germany versus the Netherlands ; there had been tensions and expectations beforehand and there had been provocations that initiated violence.

In a way this was all well after the textbook. But, as it is outlined in the paper, low profile policing tactics of close surveillance, quick and targeted interventions and clear escalative and deescalative deployment prevented the situation from further escalation.

Five people were detained that night, but as no further German fans got arrested in the remaining part of the tournament though some did for ticket touting , this was indeed the biggest incident.

Ironically, this conflict did not occur on matchday but on the night before. So while we were prepared for multiple comprehensive data collection, the structured observations could not be used for this study, as they focused on the actual match day where there was no incident.

With regard to the ESI-model of crowd behaviour, this study has different implications: Firstly it adds to the ESIM research in general because it focused on other than British fans.

Secondly, it supports the model by providing support that similar processes were at place with German fans as they were with England fans in Portugal.

As incidents involving England fans occurred in Lisbon but the Germans were in Porto, there may be an effect of the specific policing in one city.

Finally, the study promotes the positive effect of combining research and practise, as it had been the close collaboration between police authorities and scientists that provided the base for the strategic approach that was carried out at the tournament, which has up to now been the most peaceful that has been carried out in Europe within the last 30 years.

Tag schuf Gott den 1. This paper provides an analysis of the social psychological processes among German football fans during the European Championships in Portugal in relation to the policing that was carried out by the Portuguese Security Police.

Data was collected drawing on qualitative observational methods. The analysis focuses on a violent incident between German and Dutch fans prior to the game between the Netherlands and Germany in Porto.

Findings suggest a connection between low profile policing and the support of non-violent group norms among the wider crowd and the disempowerment and marginalisation of confrontational groups.

Keywords: public order management, football, crowd policing, police-citizen interaction Looking back at the Euro in Portugal, a German newspaper reported about outstanding peaceful behaviour and friendly encounters between fan groups that had taken place there.

The article concluded with a description about a group of German fans that peacefully and unhindered raised their banner amidst a Dutch crowd Klemm After the Dutch trauma in and the German trauma in a peak was reached when a Dutch and a German player were sent off for spitting and arguing at the World Cup in in Italy.

While the situation has somewhat calmed since and public disorder at Netherlands-Germany fixtures is more connected with 4 Germany beat the Netherlands at the WC finals in Germany; The Netherlands beat Germany at the Euro in Germany and subsequently won the tournament.

German police forces set bans to prevent known troublemakers from travelling and the Portuguese authorities assessed this game as the one posing the highest risk of the tournament.

However, it turned out very peaceful with multiple friendly encounters between the groups and hardly any incident. Given the history of violent incidents and the classification of the fixture as high risk questions arise regarding why it was that no major incident of collective disorder occurred?

Crowd behaviour and public order policing Whilst some classic theorists described crowds as inherently criminal because of the convergence of those predisposed to crime Sighele, ; Allport, others portrayed them as dangerous because they reverted cultivated individuals to a barbaric level of primitive drive e.

Le Bon, Despite such qualitative difference, the common feature of these explanations was a focus on the crowd itself and its inherent and universal pathology.

This decontextualised and reified view of the crowd put forward by classic theory has been supplanted within social psychology by a model that emphasises the contextual determination of crowd action, particularly in terms of the dynamics of intergroup interaction.

Rather than a mere focus on the crowd, crowd behaviour is seen to result from ongoing interaction processes between the participating groups e.

This view involves an increased focus on the strategies and tactics of the police impact on crowd behaviour. The first characterised by a negative view of the protesters, little or no communication and an escalating use of force.

This trend however is also seen to be related with an increasing use of paramilitary policing tactics in order to maintain public order c.

In their evaluation of the European Championships in Belgium and the Netherlands, Adang and Cuvelier presented an analysis of different policing styles and their impact on fan-behaviour within the same event.

In the run up to the tournament the two countries had agreed on a friendly and firm tactical concept that was basically preventive and pro-active and based on a combination of police expertise and public order research Adang, It comprised the open deployment of small surveillance units in regular uniforms, easily approachable and actively contacting fans.

In the cities that used a high profile approach, there were three times as many officers visible. Policing in low profile cities was more carried out according to the tactical concept and the behavioural profile that was initially agreed on.

Relating the different styles of policing to the number of violent incidents, the highest number of incidents was measured at games that had been assessed as posing low risk but that were policed with a high-profile strategy.

However, they only show that a certain style is working, not why. The ESIM puts an emphasis on the interactive character of a crowd situation and the mutual influence of the participating groups.

It assumes that people define themselves as members of the category that is salient in a given situation and will conform to its beliefs and standards.

Studies among different crowds, such as protesters, demonstrators and football crowds e. Where police used indiscriminate force against crowds this could lead to circumstances where crowd participants began to unite psychologically and define their relationship with the police as illegitimate.

Bearing upon this, Stott and Adang ; examined crowd interaction involving English football supporters at 35 away matches with an international dimension.

Their findings led to recommendations for police practice in general c. This concerned in particular the tactical depth of deployment, in which four levels of response provided for targeted and adjustable interventions.

Their presence was aimed to transmit a feeling of security, their specific tasks involved pro- active communication, surveillance and the resolution of small incidents.

In case of escalating risk, they would be supported by further intervention units that were placed out of sight. It was evident how the PSP policing provided a context in which self policing among England fans was facilitated or how differentiated police interventions prevented the escalation of violence Stott et al.

It must be considered, however that this form of policing was only applied in PSP areas, while the national Gendarmerie GNR , Portugal's other police force, developed its own security policy, which was characterised by lesser tactical depth, no proactive activities and a lesser emphasis on communication.

Particularly the findings around the Euro on its facilitation of self-regulation among the fan group and the marginalisation of anti-social behaviour have had a high impact on practical policing, so that issues of the approach have meanwhile been integrated in the EU Handbook with recommendations for international police cooperation 6 EU, However, the existing literature focuses exclusively upon the policing and psychological reactions of England and Scotland fans.

Consequently, there is as yet no empirical analysis of the cross cultural dimensions to the dynamics outlined within ESIM.

More specifically there is a lack of evidence concerning the psychology, group processes and intergroup relationships involving and surrounding high-risk categories from other nations attending football matches and 5 Stott et al.

The perception of the inappropriateness of police action, subsequently led to an increasing sense of the perceived appropriateness among England fans to confront the police.

This absence within the literature is made more acute given the extent to which the ESIM is currently informing updates to international guidelines for international police cooperation and pan-European police training with respect to football matches with an international dimension.

Moreover, the fixture between Germany and the Netherlands during the opening rounds of the tournament was classified by the organising authorities to be the one posing the highest level of risk to public order.

None the less the event passed without any major disturbances. The subsequent analysis will examine if the processes that the ESIM proposes are responsible for the absence of widespread disorder among England fans were also evident among German fans attending the same tournament.

Method The data presented in this paper was collected as part of a wider research project of which a number of analyses from this broader project have already been published elsewhere see Reicher et al.

It is the intention of the present paper to add to this literature by providing an account of the broad dimensions of German fans collective behaviour and police deployment surrounding events involving German fans.

Data was gathered using a variety of techniques. Semi-structured observations and interviews. Semi-structured observations were carried out for the duration of the tournament by the current authors.

This data was obtained while the observers participated in gatherings and events where large numbers of German fans were involved.

The first author, who is German, was also embedded among German fans during the tournament, conducting semistructured observation and interviews.

Her data collection was carried out around two games Germany played in Porto and one in Lisbon. Her observations in Porto started on June She went to places where great numbers of German fans gathered.

She attended the game against the Netherlands on June 15 and against Latvia on June 19 and visited public screenings at fan zones.

Together with German fans she travelled to Lisbon by train where she resumed her observations on June Again, data collection was concentrated on the location where German fans gathered.

On June 23 she attended the game of Germany against the Czech Republic. Though Germany did not proceed to the second round of the tournament, many fans stayed in the area which allowed for further data collection until the final game of Portugal against Greece on June 30 in Lisbon.

While she was embedded with fans, she made informal contacts and revealed her status and aims as a researcher. In doing so she was able to speak with the fans about the specific research issues but also to refer to themes that arose in a specific situation.

Informed consent was obtained and interviews were digitally recorded and later transcribed. As the fan groups had mingled, the recorded conversations also involved 12 fans from The Netherlands, 13 from England and 4 from Croatia.

The interviews with German fans displayed in this paper were translated by the first author all other interviews were conducted in English. These interview data were also cross referenced with media reports, such as newspaper and internet articles.

Interviews with police commanders A series of semi-structured interviews were also conducted by the authors with a variety of police Commanders.

The interviews focused on general strategies and tactics that 42 had been applied in Porto during the tournament and considered specific incidents that occurred in Porto with respect to the management of events surrounding the fixture between Netherlands and Portugal.

Interviews with police commanders were carried out either at Police Headquarters in Porto or in the field during and after the events that are outlined in the behavioural account.

Analytical strategy The analytic strategy in this paper follows that of previous research that is based on the ESIM e. The behavioural account provides a chronological description of incidents, police deployment and behavioural norms among crowds of German fans based primarily upon the semi-structured observational data but which also draws form the interview data from fans and police, photographs and video footage.

In particular, the account focuses on those aspects of the events that will be put to further analysis in the subsequent sections.

Data were triangulated and where only one source provides data related to an event, the source is identified Stott et al. The interviews were transcribed and read several times.

This process was informed by the theoretical approach and the understandings and perceptions of the specific groups: For the police interviews, the analysis focused on police understandings of their role, their strategy and tactics used to police German fans and how these relate to those aspects of fan behaviour identified as relevant within the behavioural account.

Again, following the theoretical approach, the analysis focused on the fans perception of the event and attitudes toward outgroups, the views of ingroup behaviour and intergroup relations and any further points of interest and emerging issues that seemed to be relevant.

The right-hand margin was used to annotate these themes. These notes were organised and sorted into categories and subcategories. From this a coding scheme was developed and again applied to the interviews.

Codes were assigned to the transcripts. Segments were grouped under each code before they 43 were related to issues from the interactional context, as it was described in the behavioural account.

For each theme a verbatim extract from the interviews is presented that best illustrates the analytical point. Results Behavioural account The majority of the German fans followed the team during the group phase where they played the Netherlands and Latvia in Porto and the Czech Republic in Lisbon.

The fixture between the Netherlands and Germany was initially drawn to take place in the city of Aveiro. However, given the perceived risks to public order posed by this fixture a decision was taken by the Organising committee to move the game to Porto for organisational and safety reasons c.

Harris, The match was scheduled for 15 June and many German fans had begun to arrive in Porto some days prior to the game.

However, the first significant mass gathering of fans began on June By mid afternoon large numbers of Dutch and German fans had gathered in the pubs, cafes and on the squares of the city centre of Porto.

Small numbers of fans from other nations were also present in the city, such as Greeks, English, Danes and Swedes.

The Porto city authorities had assigned official zones to the two fan groups, each set up with a stage and a big video screen. However, fans were not strictly segregated and mixed at these locations and elsewhere in the city centre.

According to information from the Dutch and the German police delegations, about German and 60 Dutch hooligans were also present in Portugal. The strategic approach adopted for the tournament by the PSP was oriented toward the facilitation of lawful and carnival behaviour among fans.

Central to this was a desire to avoid the use of indiscriminate force against crowds as a whole in circumstances where only a minority within the crowd were causing problems.

The use of force policy for the PSP explicitly stated: 7 This compares, for example to persons arrested due to criminal offences and preventive arrests during the World Cup in the state of Northrhine-Westphalia only Wolf, , where 16 games were played.

The idea is that officers in normal uniform would work in pairs facilitating lawful behaviours and monitoring the crowd for any emergent problems.

If minor problems were identified they would have the capability for low level intervention. If this was not sufficient these police could call upon larger squads who could deploy with or without helmets and batons depending upon the level of risk.

If the situation was still not resolved the Corpo could be deployed. Supporting this were teams of plain clothes officers working in small groups of approximately five officers.

These teams would be embedded in crowds monitoring for and reacting to risks. Not all officers from these units were completely invisible.

Some took up foot patrols but did so without any of their protective equipment. Consequently, on the evening of the 14th the Ribeira was crowded with fans.

We observed about people gathering in the Ribeira between hrs and midnight. In the centre of the Ribeira was a Dutch brass band, playing well known and traditional party songs.

The area was densely crowded so groups were in close proximity and many positive interactions between the groups and between individuals were observed.

Around hrs about 10 PSP officers in standard uniforms patrolled the Ribeira; additionally there was team of plain-clothes officers embedded within the crowd.

At around this time a confrontation between a small group of Dutch and German fans took place amidst the crowd.

Approximately five German fans had begun to provoke Dutch fans. According to police accounts a group of plain clothed officers noticed the problem and intervened to verbally instruct the German fans to stop but the German fans then began to physically 45 confront these officers.

The five Germans were immediately arrested and removed them from the scene. At around hrs, amidst this largely Dutch crowd, a group of approximately eight Germans at the river end of the square began singing racist and anti-Dutch chants e.

This behaviour went on for at least 30 minutes and tensions began to emerge among Dutch supporters gathered nearby.

According to our semi structured observations at around Shortly afterwards, the chanting faded and the officers withdrew.

Our observations record that throughout these incidents the Dutch brass band continued to play and positive interactions continued elsewhere in the Square.

During the whole night we observed no further incidents. The positive fan behaviour continued on the following match-day where prior to the game thousands of Dutch supporters gathered in the Lisboa Square.

Information was obtained by the Dutch police delegation that there was an intention of Dutch fans to march to the stadium some five kilometres away, rather than use public transport.

Rather than prevent this, Portuguese police made the decision to facilitate the march. From a member of our research team, it was reported to us that around 6 p.

The police profile remained very low and no riot police or vehicles were observed in the vicinity. As the crowd proceeded through the streets traffic police managed the roadways.

Local Portuguese came onto the streets, balconies and windows to applaud the Dutch fans. At the front and ahead of the march were teams of Dutch and German police officers.

As the march proceeded at times small groups of German fans came onto the streets and some shouted hostility at the Dutch fans. Those that did were approached by the German and Dutch police and required to move.

The march eventually arrived at the stadium without incident. Following the match the two fan groups again mixed and celebrated at the Ribeira.

Taken together, the data indicates that an approach was taken to safety and security for this fixture that allowed for peaceful encounters between fans from Germany and the Netherlands and was facilitated by the low profile policing of the PSP.

Officers in normal uniforms and plain-clothes officers patrolled the sites. However it was evident that they were ready for and engaged in relatively rapid, differentiated interventions in situations where risks to public order began to emerge.

Policing approach With regard to the Netherlands Germany fixture the visiting police made reference to concerns about the presence of German hooligans in Portugal.

They are in the country. Instead reflecting the overall police strategy the police referred to their commitment to interaction, communication and targeted interventions.

An approach made possible due to the deployment of plain clothes officers in close proximity to the crowds. We are looking for the situations, through the fans, always looking for something.

To prevent that things happen. When we think that things are going to happen, we act. The Head of the NIP in the city provided an account of his involvement in the incidents at the Ribeira.

His account suggests 47 that because they were embedded within the crowd they rapidly became aware of the verbal provocations from the group of Germans.

He described how his officers then were able to react quickly to the emerging problem. He describes how the group then confronted the police leading to their arrest.

And it was against us. Against the police. When after the first arrests another group of German fans engaged in provocations, he describes that NIP officers cordoned them off from the main crowd.

Due to their civilian clothing this movement had not been noticed, though an increased presence of officers in standard uniform had been evident.

However, the police assumed that those fans were well aware of the increasing presence of officers. The account further shows that the police closely monitored the fan behaviour and adjusted their actions according to dynamics of the risk that came from this group.

This did not only concern the escalation but also the de-escalation of risk behaviour. In this regard the PSP commander also noticed this group of -initially- provoking German fans refraining from this negative behaviour while remaining in the crowd.

And they forget that. He supposed that they deliberately withdrew and separated from the celebrating majority.

Under no circumstances they wanted to be linked to the folk that was celebrating there. Whereas, so far everything is absolutely peaceful.

They are standing there, but somehow unobtrusively in the corner. MS: Because of the match. G Yes, yes and because of the trouble.

Do you think it will go off tomorrow? Patricia Ystad 2 juli, vid - Svara. Conte 27 juni, vid - Svara. Du har fel Italien kommer att förlora hel em-finalen men polen vinner hel em.

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Eeva 27 juni, vid - Svara. Heja Spanien!!! Bästa fotboll, tillsammans med Tyskland, allt annars blaj. Tommy Persson 27 juni, vid - Svara. Missan 28 juni, vid - Svara.

Sebastian 28 juni, vid - Svara. Men tänk istället om…. Janne 26 juni, vid - Svara. Jörgen 27 juni, vid - Svara.

David 26 juni, vid - Svara. Busby 26 juni, vid - Svara. Olle 27 juni, vid - Svara. Stefan 3 juli, vid - Svara. Olle 5 juli, vid - Svara. Janne 24 juni, vid - Svara.

IFK Elit 23 juni, vid - Svara. Vi har ingen tränare, AIK'93 3 juli, vid - Svara. Deprimerande byte. Snorre 23 juni, vid - Svara.

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Urban 22 juni, vid - Svara. Jan 22 juni, vid - Svara. Mackan 22 juni, vid - Svara. Ernst 22 juni, vid - Svara.

Du hade fel boll… jag hade en grön plastboll — den skruva sig som faan!! Glenn 22 juni, vid - Svara. Gunnar 22 juni, vid - Svara.

Per 22 juni, vid - Svara. Jan-Erik 22 juni, vid - Svara. Lennart 21 juni, vid - Svara. Fredde 21 juni, vid - Svara. Heja Sverige!!! Sven A 19 juni, vid - Svara.

Jan-Inge 20 juni, vid - Svara. Forodin 21 juni, vid - Svara. Jarmo 22 juni, vid - Svara. Magnus 23 juni, vid Anders P 20 juni, vid - Svara.

Mikael W 20 juni, vid - Svara. Jan-Edvin 21 juni, vid - Svara. G Boll 22 juni, vid - Svara. Lars 20 juni, vid - Svara.

Sven-Lennart 20 juni, vid - Svara. Andersanders Sassassas 25 juni, vid - Svara. Gungus 20 juni, vid - Svara.

Grabbarna vill hem och fira Midsommar. Sven Schenger 21 juni, vid - Svara. Jan-Börje 21 juni, vid - Svara. Elias 17 juni, vid - Svara. Boris Sundquist 17 juni, vid - Svara.

Bjorn W 19 juni, vid - Svara. Sven-Gunnar 21 juni, vid - Svara. Handbollstok 16 juni, vid - Svara. Nils-Erik 21 juni, vid - Svara.

Lars 16 juni, vid - Svara. Stig 20 juni, vid - Svara. Hannu 28 juni, vid - Svara. Eli 16 juni, vid - Svara. Du milde!!! Albin Ekdahl 19 juni, vid - Svara.

Sven-Erik 20 juni, vid - Svara. Hula bandula 16 juni, vid - Svara. Jag har jättekul 25 juni, vid - Svara. Jag 9 december, vid - Svara.

Eric 15 juni, vid - Svara. Ederspappa 15 juni, vid - Svara. Ellen 15 juni, vid - Svara. Insider 15 juni, vid - Svara.

Erik 15 juni, vid - Svara. John 14 juni, vid - Svara. Nu när Brasilien har köpt Rooney känns de väldigt starka. Henrik 15 juni, vid - Svara.

Erasmus Wichtigpfetter 15 juni, vid - Svara. Ambroise 14 juni, vid - Svara. Adam 14 juni, vid - Svara. Sturd 14 juni, vid - Svara.

Johan 14 juni, vid - Svara. Leon 14 juni, vid - Svara. Sune Hjort 13 juni, vid - Svara. Hans G. Hansson 14 juni, vid - Svara.

Stefania 13 juni, vid - Svara. Jochen 13 juni, vid - Svara. Anders warje 13 juni, vid - Svara. Erik 13 juni, vid - Svara. Andy 12 juni, vid - Svara.

Tror faktiskt Gabon, i toppform och som kraftig outsider, kan ta hem hela EM. K 12 juni, vid - Svara. Amare 13 juni, vid - Svara.

Sverige spelar semifinal och Frankrike spelar final och vinner och blir Europasmästare. Björn 12 juni, vid - Svara.

Mariechen 13 juni, vid - Svara. Janus 14 juni, vid - Svara. Viktor Magnusson 14 juni, vid - Svara. Fotbollsexperten 14 juni, vid - Svara.

Dada 12 juni, vid - Svara. Ut ur gruppspelet? Högosta 12 juni, vid - Svara. Mao Long 11 juni, vid - Svara. Hans B 12 juni, vid - Svara. Kurt Kragballe 11 juni, vid - Svara.

Lars Samuelsson 11 juni, vid - Svara. Roger Widgren 11 juni, vid - Svara. Basse 11 juni, vid - Svara. Christina Frisberg 11 juni, vid - Svara.

Hulda 10 juni, vid - Svara. Martin 10 juni, vid - Svara. Felix 12 juni, vid - Svara. Wie gewohnt sind es die Handballer, die das sportliche Jahr ordentlich einläuten dürfen.

Nach der WM steht wieder. Juni in Rom. Ein Sieg gegen Portugal wird nicht einfach, aber wir werden alles geben. Auch eine Niederlage bringt uns nicht von unserem.

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Las Vegas Raiders. Gruppe C Wager Deutsch 3. Frankreich - Deutschland. Det spelas i Link. Hur ska Brasilien kunna vara med i Click to see more Kenneth 29 juni, vid - Svara.

Portugal - Deutschland. Die Gruppenphase der Europameisterschaft beginnt am Die Uefa plant, an den unten aufgeführten Gruppen und Begegnungen festzuhalten.

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Tycker dom blir bara sämre och sämre. Powered by Link. Nej, Argentina blir farliga, men Costa Rica gynnas mest av värmen och tar detta till slut.

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